優(yōu)秀的英語(yǔ)教育演講稿 模板1

閱讀小貼士：模板1共計(jì)115個(gè)字，預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長(zhǎng)1分鐘。朗讀需要1分鐘，中速朗讀1分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場(chǎng)合朗讀需要2分鐘，有220位用戶(hù)喜歡。

they dropped like flakes1, they dropped like stars,

like petals2 from a rose,

when suddenly across the june

a wind with fingers goes.

they perished in the seamless grass, --

no eye could find the place;

but god on his repealless list

can summon every face.

戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)

他們雪片般落下，他們流星般落下，

象一朵玫瑰花的花瓣紛紛落下，

優(yōu)秀的英語(yǔ)教育演講稿 模板2

閱讀小貼士：模板2共計(jì)326個(gè)字，預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長(zhǎng)1分鐘。朗讀需要2分鐘，中速朗讀3分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場(chǎng)合朗讀需要3分鐘，有212位用戶(hù)喜歡。

英語(yǔ)1分鐘演講稿 (有趣的)關(guān)于學(xué)生上課睡覺(jué)的話(huà)題：sleep in class

you won"t be surprised to find many students sleep in class today, especially in the math class. when the class is over, we can see many people wake up all together.

many of them say that they actually don"t want to dream in class at all as it"s such a shameful thing to dribble when the teacher is solving an equation.

in fact, students always fall asleep unconsciously.

some of the students maybe go to bed late, but i think they could still stay active if the teacher chooses to interact rather than keep cramming only. now the schedule in our university is so tough that there"s always too much to learn in a single class. there"s no time to take a deep thinking, no chance to communicate, no need to take notes since there"re sides to download. then what to do in a 2-hour-class? listen to the teacher without thinking, students will soon begin daydreaming.

優(yōu)秀的英語(yǔ)教育演講稿 模板3

閱讀小貼士：模板3共計(jì)595個(gè)字，預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長(zhǎng)2分鐘。朗讀需要3分鐘，中速朗讀4分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場(chǎng)合朗讀需要6分鐘，有269位用戶(hù)喜歡。

we, having been living in one corner of the world for several decades, must ask ourselves what is the level of our national strength and our civilization. this is the final awakening of which i speak. to put it another way, if we open our eyes and take a hard look at the situation within our country and abroad, what place does our country and our people occupy, and what actions should we take?... our task today can be said to be the intense combat between the old and the modern currents of thought. those with shallow views all e_pect this to be our final awakening, without understanding how difficult it is to put [constitutional government] into practice... there is no difference between the shameful disgrace of submissiveneof men of ancient times hoping that sage rulers and wise ministers will practice benevolent government and present day men hoping that dignitaries and influential elders will build a constitutional republic. why should i reject the desires of dignitaries and influential elders, who are after all a part of the people, to build a constitutional republic? only because a constitutional republic cannot be conferred by the government, cannot be maintained by one party or one group, and certainly cannot be carried on the backs of a few dignitaries and influential elders. a constitutional republic which does not derive from the conscious realization and voluntary action of the majority of the people is a bogus republic and bogus constitutionalism. it is political window-dressing, in no way like the republican constitutionalism of the countries of europe and america, because there has been no change in the thought or the character of the majority of the people, and the majority of the people have no personal feeling of direct material interest.

優(yōu)秀的英語(yǔ)教育演講稿 模板4

閱讀小貼士：模板4共計(jì)1541個(gè)字，預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長(zhǎng)4分鐘。朗讀需要8分鐘，中速朗讀11分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場(chǎng)合朗讀需要15分鐘，有199位用戶(hù)喜歡。

認(rèn)識(shí)jerry是在兩年前，當(dāng)時(shí)是去報(bào)導(dǎo)一場(chǎng)叫做"讓英語(yǔ)不再是我們永遠(yuǎn)的痛"的演講會(huì)，主講人就是英語(yǔ)奇才jerry dai。說(shuō)起來(lái)也許你不相信，原本是工作原因，想著拍個(gè)新聞?wù)掌妥呷耍鴍erry在臺(tái)上充滿(mǎn)活力、激情四射的演講在開(kāi)場(chǎng)的10分鐘就引起我極大的共鳴和興趣。結(jié)果我不僅聽(tīng)完了整個(gè)演講，在回家的路上竟然還滿(mǎn)腦子想著一定要把自己的英語(yǔ)按照jerry的辦法提高提高。

能將一場(chǎng)如何學(xué)好純正英語(yǔ)的演講變得如此生動(dòng)精彩，想必這個(gè)80年代生的小伙子背后一定有很多自己的故事。當(dāng)天在后臺(tái)我就跟jerry說(shuō)要作他的專(zhuān)訪(fǎng)。可是慚愧啊慚愧，這采訪(fǎng)一拖就是一年。今個(gè)暖冬的第一場(chǎng)大雪后，我們終于約定了采訪(fǎng)時(shí)間，有機(jī)會(huì)認(rèn)識(shí)了一個(gè)舞臺(tái)下和教室外的jerry。

坐在對(duì)面的jerry雖然身著正裝，帶了副斯文的眼鏡，卻絲毫掩飾不了爍爍發(fā)光的眼神里透出的一種"新鮮氣質(zhì)"。怎么說(shuō)呢，那是一種靈氣。采訪(fǎng)當(dāng)然是用中文進(jìn)行的（如果用英文估計(jì)我聽(tīng)懂的也就80%）。jerry的國(guó)語(yǔ)、英語(yǔ)、甚至連他自己一說(shuō)都笑得不行的東北土話(huà)都說(shuō)得相當(dāng)"正宗"。這真是一個(gè)語(yǔ)言天才！我想。

我不是一個(gè)語(yǔ)言天才

"我其實(shí)不是一個(gè)語(yǔ)言天才。"jerry坐下來(lái)說(shuō)的第一句話(huà)就把我的想法給否決了。

jerry來(lái)加拿大才六年多，年少成長(zhǎng)的一大段日子都在中國(guó)，接受的是典型的中國(guó)式敎育。所學(xué)的英語(yǔ)大部分只是死記硬背的單詞和應(yīng)試技巧。到了這個(gè)陌生的國(guó)度，他自己講的英語(yǔ)別人聽(tīng)不懂，而別人的話(huà)他也是一知半解，他感覺(jué)好像突然與外界有了隔閡。

盡管在出國(guó)前有著雄心壯志，jerry卻因?yàn)椴荒芘c人溝通，渾身縱有使不完的力氣也無(wú)濟(jì)于事。于是，他下定決心苦攻英語(yǔ)。"語(yǔ)言根本不是靠天賦的！"jerry又說(shuō)，"學(xué)英語(yǔ)的過(guò)程其實(shí)是一個(gè)自我挑戰(zhàn)的艱辛歷程。"

當(dāng)初他并不知從何入手。為了練英語(yǔ)，他想方設(shè)法去找當(dāng)?shù)厝肆奶?，試?lái)試去結(jié)果是碰一鼻子灰。他總是先在腦子里用中文想好要說(shuō)的話(huà)，再找到相應(yīng)的英文單詞，然后用所學(xué)的語(yǔ)法去套出要講的英文句子。如此下來(lái)，說(shuō)出去的句子結(jié)結(jié)巴巴，常常他還沒(méi)說(shuō)完，對(duì)方早把話(huà)搶了過(guò)去，語(yǔ)速飛快地又丟過(guò)來(lái)一大堆話(huà)。這樣的話(huà)他當(dāng)然聽(tīng)不明白，而"pardon"多了也不是辦法，結(jié)果對(duì)方早已失去了交談的興趣，而他自己也信心盡失。

但他不是輕易放棄的人。jerry想，不如試試退回來(lái)"閉門(mén)造車(chē)"練英語(yǔ)。自從有了這種"頓悟"，他開(kāi)始把自己當(dāng)作一個(gè)牙牙學(xué)語(yǔ)的孩子，完全用耳朵去感受純正的發(fā)音，去捕捉一個(gè)個(gè)單詞的開(kāi)音合音、唇音齒音，去熟悉一個(gè)個(gè)句子的抑揚(yáng)頓挫。

jerry說(shuō)，在開(kāi)始的大半年里，他發(fā)癡似地尋找英語(yǔ)中每一個(gè)準(zhǔn)確的發(fā)音部位，然后一遍遍地模仿。有時(shí)為了一個(gè)單詞的準(zhǔn)確發(fā)音，要練上一千多遍。他說(shuō)，這真是個(gè)很痛苦的過(guò)程。

這期間，他做了很多旁人認(rèn)為是"crazy"的事情，比如：刻意只看英文電視報(bào)紙，不交中國(guó)朋友，把電腦裝成英文系統(tǒng)，甚至把自己關(guān)在房間里大聲跟電視主持人練發(fā)音等。jerry說(shuō)，這樣做了一段時(shí)間的確有了成效，而不只有他可以做到這些事情，任何人都可以，但是有個(gè)前提條件，就是："only if you really want to!"

"有沒(méi)有說(shuō)你象cbc（加拿大出生的中國(guó)人）？"我忍不住問(wèn)到。因?yàn)槌苏Z(yǔ)言，jerry身上似乎還有著那種當(dāng)?shù)啬贻p人特有的隨性和叛逆。"有，還有人說(shuō)我更象abc（美國(guó)出生的中國(guó)人），大概是因?yàn)槲业目谝舭?，也許還有身高，嘿嘿......"說(shuō)到自己的口音，jerry的英語(yǔ)也可能是因?yàn)楦毩?xí)發(fā)音的是美國(guó)電視頻道，所以他的英語(yǔ)有美國(guó)口音。

我是很懶的一個(gè)人

"你想不到吧，我是一個(gè)被公認(rèn)的懶人！而且我創(chuàng)造英語(yǔ)潛能學(xué)習(xí)法很大意義上還跟我的懶惰有關(guān)。"jerry眨眨眼說(shuō)，"你想啊，我媽當(dāng)初叫我坐在書(shū)桌邊每天背單詞，看語(yǔ)法書(shū)，沒(méi)多久我恐怕就會(huì)被悶死。"捷徑通常都是懶人發(fā)明的，雖然在琢磨如何創(chuàng)造這個(gè)捷徑時(shí)可能會(huì)花加倍的力氣，一旦找到了正確捷徑，之后就省力了。

優(yōu)秀的英語(yǔ)教育演講稿 模板5

閱讀小貼士：模板5共計(jì)4205個(gè)字，預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長(zhǎng)11分鐘。朗讀需要22分鐘，中速朗讀29分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場(chǎng)合朗讀需要39分鐘，有197位用戶(hù)喜歡。

優(yōu)秀的英語(yǔ)演講稿

they must see americans as strange liberators. the vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence in 1954 -- in 1945 rather -- after a combined french and japanese occupation and before the communist revolution in china. they were led by ho chi minh. even though they quoted the american declaration of independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. instead, we decided to support france in its reconquest of her former colony. our government felt then that the vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long. with that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by china -- for whom the vietnamese have no great love -- but by clearly indigenous forces that included some communists. for the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.

for nine years following 1945 we denied the people of vietnam the right of independence. for nine years we vigorously supported the french in their abortive effort to recolonize vietnam. before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the french war costs. even before the french were defeated at dien bien phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. we encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.

after the french were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the geneva agreement. but instead there came the united states, determined that ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, premier diem. the peasants watched and cringed as diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their e_tortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the north. the peasants watched as all this was presided over by united states" influence and then by increasing numbers of united states troops who came to help quell the insurgency that diem"s methods had aroused. when diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.

the only change came from america, as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. all the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow vietnamese, the real enemy. they move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. they know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.

so they go, primarily women and children and the aged. they watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. they must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. they wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from american firepower for one vietcong-inflicted injury. so far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. they wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. they see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. they see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.

what do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? what do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of europe? where are the roots of the independent vietnam we claim to be building? is it among these voiceless ones?

we have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. we have destroyed their land and their crops. we have cooperated in the crushing of the nation"s only noncommunist revolutionary political force, the unified buddhist church. we have supported the enemies of the peasants of saigon. we have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.

now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call "fortified hamlets." the peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new vietnam on such grounds as these. could we blame them for such thoughts? we must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. these, too, are our brothers.

perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies. what of the national liberation front, that strangely anonymous group we call "vc" or "communists"? what must they think of the united states of america when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the south? what do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? how can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of "aggression from the north" as if there were nothing more essential to the war? how can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.

how do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent communist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? what must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organized political parallel government will not have a part? they ask how we can speak of free elections when the saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta. and they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. they question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be e_cluded. their questions are frighteningly relevant. is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?

here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy"s point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves. for from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.

so, too, with hanoi. in the north, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. to speak for them is to e_plain this lack of confidence in western words, and especially their distrust of american intentions now. in hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the japanese and the french, the men who sought membership in the french commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. it was they who led a second struggle against french domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at geneva. after 1954 they watched us conspire with diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought ho chi minh to power over a united vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again. when we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.

also, it must be clear that the leaders of hanoi considered the presence of american troops in support of the diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the geneva agreement concerning foreign troops. they remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the south until american forces had moved into the tens of thousands.

hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier north vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none e_isted when they had clearly been made. ho chi minh has watched as america has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of american plans for an invasion of the north. he knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy. perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than eight hundred, or rather, eight thousand miles away from its shores.

at this point i should make it clear that while i have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called "enemy," i am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. for it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. we are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved. before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.

somehow this madness must cease. we must stop now. i speak as a child of god and brother to the suffering poor of vietnam. i speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. i speak for the poor of america who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in vietnam. i speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken. i speak as one who loves america, to the leaders of our own nation: the great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.

this is the message of the great buddhist leaders of vietnam. recently one of them wrote these words, and i quote:

each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of the vietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct. the americans are forcing even their friends into becoming their enemies. it is curious that the americans, who calculate so carefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are incurring deep psychological and political defeat. the image of america will never again be the image of revolution, freedom, and democracy, but the image of violence and militarism .

if we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in vietnam. if we do not stop our war against the people of vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. the world now demands a maturity of america that we may not be able to achieve. it demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the vietnamese people. the situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. in order to atone for our sins and errors in vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.

優(yōu)秀的英語(yǔ)教育演講稿 模板6

閱讀小貼士：模板6共計(jì)392個(gè)字，預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長(zhǎng)1分鐘。朗讀需要2分鐘，中速朗讀3分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場(chǎng)合朗讀需要4分鐘，有256位用戶(hù)喜歡。

優(yōu)秀的英語(yǔ)演講稿參考

good morning, everyone! my name is liu meng. i’m from class 7, grade 7. today, i’ll tell you something about the best way to learn foreign languages.

in schools boys and girls are learning foreign languages. english is one of the most important languages because so many people use it, not only in england and america, but also in other countries of the world. it is difficult to say how many people are learning it. millions of boys and girls at school are trying to do it.

which is the best way to learn a language? we know that we all learnt our own language well when we were children. if we learn a second language in the same way and it won’t be so difficult. how does a small child do? it listens to what people say, and he tries to guess what he hears. when he wants something, he has to ask for it. he is using the language, thinking in it and talking in it all the time. if people use a second language all the time, they will learn it quickly.

in school, you learn to read, to write, to hear and to speak. it is best to learn all new words through the ear. you can read them, spell them and write them later.

that’s all. thank you.